Pan-Somali Council For Peace and Democracy

Title:

Reconciling the Irreconcilable: A Challenge for the New World Order

The Somali phenomena defied solution for the last thirteen years. It is the only country in the world without a central government. A brutal civil war has practically obliterated the essence of nationhood through the demolition of all civil institutions and national infrastructures. Tens of thousands have lost their lives in a social strife whose purpose and reasons for perpetuation confound the international community and the Somalis themselves. The definition of the problem itself has defied definition. Yet, Somalis are united by colour, creed and language � a homogeneous nation torn asunder by a phantom phenomenon. Since the infamous encounter between Somali militias and the US rangers in Mogadishu, all reconciliation attempts were left at the mercy of IGAD, a titular Horn of Africa regional organization with varying, and often conflicting, interests in Somalia�s nationhood. Their divergent political view of what the future Somali government should look like sidetracked and flawed the process to make it the most despicable spectacle staged by an organization in the recent history of the world. The superseding goal of finding a lasting solution to the factional differences and establishing a stable, democratic government will at best be a derivative of foreign interference and warlord lobbying. It will not, by any stretch of the imagination, be the result of anything that can even loosely be called Somali solution to a Somali problem. As Somalis do not own this process, and with regional powers reconstructing strategy and bargaining chips on a daily basis, it becomes inevitable for groups and factions to also reinvent bargaining strategies and renege on signed agreements Of the many visible and invisible hands influencing the direction of the reconciliation one way or the other, Ethiopia �s hand has by far the consummate consequences. Ethiopia �s unending tug of war against the will and wishes of the majority of the Somalis has been the overarching reason for the heartbreaking, futile end of more than a dozen reconciliation meetings. It is not; however, fair to mention Ethiopia �s unscrupulous manipulations without addressing the devious ways of the Somali warlords too. After all, they invite Ethiopia and continue to rely on her not only for the provision of military support � in contravention of the UN weapons sanctions - but also to reinforce their bargaining position at the meetings. Despite the lack of a unified political position shared by the warlords; as there are almost as many political positions as there are warlords; all of them are or were backed by Ethiopia at one point or another. One may then wonder �why can�t Ethiopia bring about a solution if she holds all the cards?�� It may well be that Ethiopia �s interest lies in maintaining the status quo to foster, through the desperation of the Somalis, the formation of weak and divided� �X nations� and as a result, eliminate the long standing threat from a unified Somalination and its dream of a Greater Somalia. However, that dream has been derelicted in the ruins of the mother nation itself. The satanical symbiosis between Ethiopia and the warlords has relegated a nation of millions of people to poverty, lawlessness and despair. The international community, meanwhile, is oblivious to the suffering and the implications that can arise from the absence of law and order. This predicament requires immediate intervention from the International Community as a whole and particularly from the West. It requires a well-intended, unbiased guarantor of the peace process that can guide it through the labyrinths of faction interests and tribal and regional aspirations. It calls for a committed body of nations with the necessary authority to implement agreements and the political experience required to mediate, not only among the warlords, but also between Ethiopia and Somalia . A number of conditions should be met before reconciliation can have any hope of succeeding. First, all the parties involved in the conflict have to realize they need to reconcile. A true and unwavering realization is necessary to achieve a win-win situation in the process. Secondly, these parties ought to be placed in a neutral environment that allows them to exercise a decision-making without fear of coercion, manipulation or intervention. The guarantor of the peace process has to allow the parties to develop a heightened sense of identifying their differences and guide them to come up with ways to overcome those differences. Thirdly, the reconciliation has to be approached from a problem solving perspective rather than a bargaining one. In addition to helping the parties establish the ground rules for future interactions, it will also set the stage for the improvisation of an acceptable power sharing strategy and, thus, engender a self-sustaining template of solutions for any future conflicts. The fourth requirement is the generation of solutions by all sectors of the society concerned in the conflict. All of the solutions, thus far, brought to the table in the Somali conflict came from third parties. To provide choice, there has to be a large volume of solutions generated by the Somali society particularly from its educated sector.� The contribution of the educated class is a gaping hole in this process that needs to be covered. One of the reasons may be lack of a formulated stand that can respond to the dynamic nature of the conflict. The large majority of the educated Somalis are outside the country and their concerted pressure on the international community may, to an extent, have counterbalanced the undue manipulations of neighboring nations. The commitment of the educated group is a prerequisite in attempt at being part of the solution and it becomes especially crucial if they want to confront warlordism. The educated sector can also play another role in the event that a successful reconciliation is achieved. Every peace process requires a tremendous amount of follow-up, education and re-education programs to ensure that enough social awareness is set in place to deter a return to social strife. Rehabilitation of any militia members is an integral part of the peace process. Rehabilitation can assume the form of education or re-education of offenders and militia members to give them an opportunity to reintegrate into society and become useful members. It is also necessary to provide for the needs of victims of war and internally displaced communities. These programs have to be formulated so that the Somali values, rules and culture are all affirmed and reinforced. The programs will, however, be of no great use if a system of deterrence is not in place, along with enforcement mechanisms, to avoid a return to chaos and breakdown of social order. Again, this is an area that requires a leading role from the educated sector. The last decides of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century has witnessed massive amounts of disasters and pandemonium. A visible human hand is persistently involved in the countless events that continue to drag humanity down a treacherous path. The human mind, however, is endowed with the aptness to change course at the brink of disaster. Humans helping other humans to overcome a peril and redirect the course of their lives can mean the difference between extinction and flourishing, between happiness and misery. � �

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Added on:

11/04/2025

Author/Source:

Nur Hersi Bahal

Author's email/website:

www.israac.org

Posted by:

Abdullahi

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